Safer World: November 2006


Safer World

news from around the world

Racism

Thursday, November 30, 2006
Calling names on a person from an ethnic community is racism or is it? He/she don’t mind to be labeled as “ethnic”. Recently Michael Richards used the work “Nigger” in a comedy club and was a big issue but most of the top rap artists call each other “Nigger”.

There is not shame in that??

My other half originally from India refers to African origin people negro (Negro means "black" in Spanish), I keep correcting her

And this happened




some took it like this




or some take revenge




and finally





References
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigger
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negro

MURDER IN ­AMSTERDAM

The Death ofTheo van Gogh and the Limits of ­Tolerance.

“First of all you have to say there is provocation, and the guilty one is the one who does the provoking. The response is to always punish the reaction, but if I react, something has happened.” So said the French soccer hero Zinedine Zidane on why he ­head-­butted an Italian opponent during the World Cup final, offering an apology that expressed no regret for his action, which he saw as the defense of his honor against the Italian’s ­insults.


It would surely pain the carefully apolitical Zidane, a ­non-­practicing Muslim born to Algerian immigrants, to be drawn into the aftermath of the 2004 murder, in Amster­dam, of the Dutch filmmaker and provocateur Theo van Gogh. But we should note the similar ­cause-­and-­effect reasoning offered by van Gogh’s killer, a young Dutch Muslim (and son of Moroccan immigrants) named Mohammed Bouyeri. It is the calculus of an unpitying absolutist: There is provocation, demanding a crushing ­response.


Bouyeri killed van Gogh and drove into hiding his ­Somali-­born collaborator, the Dutch activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali, for the insult they supposedly dealt to Islam in producing an 11-minute film called Submission. The film, which aired once on Dutch television, showed Muslim women with words from the Qu’ran projected onto their bare skin as they recalled beatings and rapes by male relatives. This was the “provocation.” Language is met not with language but physical violence, the underclass signal to the rest of us that often means we have not been paying ­attention.


Van Gogh’s murder was the most shocking event in Holland in recent years, more shocking, even, than the killing two and a half years earlier of the man who might be dubbed his predecessor in provocation, the gadfly and dandy Pim Fortuyn (about whom van Gogh made a film). Fortuyn was shot in Hilversum days before national elections that made his eponymous party one of the largest in Parliament. Fortuyn campaigned against immigration, by which he meant Muslim immigration, and his contempt for Islam was personal: As a gay man, he despised its homo­­­phobia and its efforts to undermine traditional Dutch tolerance. To much of the coun­try’s relief, it was a white animal-rights activist (though a Muslim sympathizer) who killed Fortuyn. But with the ritual murder of van ­Gogh—­shot, stabbed, his throat ­cut—­by a Muslim, Dutch postwar multiculturalism seemed on the brink of ­collapse.

Now Ian Buruma has stepped onto the scene. Many of his longtime readers will not know he is Dutch, but will associate him with Japan, China, Britain, and, more broadly, Europe and the clash of East and ­West—­the subjects of his many noteworthy books and essays. But there is no more prominent writer in English who is also Dutch to the bone, and we are fortunate that Buruma has turned his attention to his homeland, almost as if it had become a new country after a long ­absence.


Murder in Amsterdam is a tabloid title, and Buruma presents himself as something of the ­gentleman ­sleuth or boulevardier moving about in Amsterdam, The Hague, and other Dutch towns, consuming many cups of tea and coffee as he carefully draws out his subjects: an excitable ­Iranian-­Dutch law professor who, like Hirsi Ali, is sometimes called an “Enlightenment funda­men­talist”; an ­anti-­Semitic Islamic fundamentalist yet ­law-­abiding Dutch history teacher; other Muslim immigrants and immigrant children, many of whom are well educated; and various Dutch public figures, some of whom call themselves the “Friends of Theo.” It makes for suspenseful reading, and Buruma’s investigations reveal van Gogh to be more complex than either caricature or his enemies would have us believe.
Buruma’s book is notable for its calm nar­rative informed by a total immersion in Dutch language and culture. The analysis isn’t as exceptional; many of the book’s insights into the radicalization of Dutch Islamic youth, for instance, can also be found in public pamphlets produced by the Dutch intelligence service. Perhaps Buruma recognizes that his knowledge of Islam is limited. Instead, he elaborates an idea of Dutchness, a cultural identity he seems to find, to some degree, in everybody he encounters: not just obvious “natives” but also the émigré Hirsi Ali and van Gogh’s ­Dutch-­born ­murderer.
“Dutchness,” for Buruma, has many facets: an obsession with Holland’s moral failures during World War II (all political discus­sions start with or ultimately come back to the war, if only to use it as a glib analogy or invo­cation), sanctimonious moralism, and “a willful lack of delicacy” born of “the idea that tact is a form of hypocrisy.” And there is Dutch irony, which, as Buruma notes, can be used as “an escape from any blame” or “license for irresponsibility.” He means that you can say the most offensive things but hasten to add that you’re kidding. Van Gogh’s brand of irony, however, seems to have been closer in spirit to that dictum famously adopted by Evelyn Waugh: “Never apologize, never explain.”


Bouyeri appears to embody few of the above traits, except perhaps the moralism, which I would argue is no longer particularly Dutch. Still, Buruma searches for his essential Dutchness, and finds it in one of Bouyeri’s Internet ravings, in which he proclaims that the “knights of Islam” will emerge from Holland’s soil. Buruma calls this a “very Dutch delusion of grandeur,” that of the Netherlands as the “world’s moral beacon.” But the national aspect of Bouyeri’s vision seems fairly unimportant, certainly to him. Rather, Bouyeri appears to have learned to stop thinking of the Netherlands altogether; his mind dwells instead in stateless, unworldly ­Islam.

To some of the Dutch, then, nationality is only a placeholder. A Dutch prison imam tells Buruma that “if you get rid of tradition, you still have Islam,” or, to clarify, “Culture is made by human beings. But Islam remains.” This is eerily akin to what that enemy of Islam, Hirsi Ali, says, enthusiastically, of the Enlightenment: that it “strips away culture, and leaves only the human individual.” Hirsi Ali’s interest is the individual; Bouyeri’s, Islam. What the two share is the ease with which they dispose of the first part of each proposition: culture. On Buruma’s evidence, Hirsi Ali, for all her perfect assimilation and perfect Dutch, is hardly more involved in the Netherlands than ­Bouyeri.


Lucid as he is, Buruma runs up against his own Dutch wall. Evidently it is difficult for this Dutchman to imagine compatriots so uninterested in the Dutch character and its maintenance. Fortuyn as well as the “native” Dutch with whom Buruma converses express “yearnings”—a word that appears ­frequently—­for “something that may never really have existed.” Buruma is more ­clear-­eyed and unsentimental than they are, but at the end of the book, he departs from his customary measured tones. Pointing to the innocent Dutch habit of dressing up in the national color, orange, for soccer games, with clogs and brass bands and other gear, Buruma exclaims that this celebration of an “invented country,” like Bouyeri’s violent fantasy, contains the “seeds of destruction.” But what seeds, and what destruction? The thing about the orange men is that they are in on the joke, which, along with the carnival spirit, is as much a Dutch trait as ­any.


In 1975, when Buruma was leaving the Netherlands, I was a child recently arrived in The Hague, the city where he grew up and where I would too. More precisely, I grew up in the “plush extension” of Wassenaar, where Theo van Gogh, 10 years my senior, was raised two streets away, in a house that Buruma visits to chat with Theo’s parents. Buruma’s portrait of the “Wassenaar brat” who, as an adult, still came home to do his laundry hits close to home. But, if anything, I probably had more in common with the young Mohammed Bouyeri. Of course, the fate of a young man who is white and middle class, if neither truly American nor truly Dutch, is preferable to that of the ­dark-­skinned son of a dishwasher, “neither Dutch nor Moroccan,” as one of Bouyeri’s contemporaries described people like ­himself.


Like other Europeans, the Dutch have never made it easy for outsiders to feel at home. What might once have appeared, to them, anyway, to be ­generous—­inviting huge numbers of foreign workers to a safe land where they could provide for their ­families—­now can seem more like using, but heedless using. For decades, European countries carried on as if they could avoid the consequences if those workers stayed, which of course they did. Now, as French scholar Olivier Roy has noted, Islam is a European ­religion.


Theo van Gogh knew “the dangers of violent religious passions,” Buruma writes, but still acted “as though they held no consequences for him.” Yet there was charm in the way Theo spoke his obscene, unruly mind and then tottered off on his bicycle. His kind of insouciant candor is another victim of the age, and perhaps the most poignant aspect of “Dutchness” that now appears ­lost.

The limits to integration


In a small village, in the foothills of the Himalayas, a group of men are discussing the challenges faced by Pakistanis when they go and live in the UK.
Should they integrate? How much should they take on the values of their new homeland?

We are several thousand miles from Bradford and Birmingham. But nearly everyone here has a relative in Britain. And the debate there about multiculturalism has clear echoes round this table

"The people who leave are in the middle," Mowman says. "They cannot become like the British, but they have lost their own culture."
He complains that his cousins in Rotherham are uneducated, and above all, that they have lost the most precious thing they have: a tight family structure.

Mistake

"Here we obey the head of the house. There, they are independent. It does not work."

Tariq feels these differences more acutely than most. He grew up here, in the village of Boha, and went to the UK as a teenager. Now he is back visiting relatives.

"I used to say I would never have an arranged marriage. But then I grew up and began to think how much my mum and dad had done for me, and I thought they would not make a mistake on this."

What about his own children, now living in Nottingham - would he let them choose their spouses?

Yes, of course, whoever they want.

What if they wanted to marry a non-Muslim, I ask? The very idea makes him look anxious. He says, he would "interrupt" the process.

Around half the Pakistanis living in Britain can trace their origins to this tiny area of Pakistani-administered Kashmir.

Mirpur District was the site of a huge dam, built in the 1960s, which flooded the surrounding farmland.

A British company involved in the construction, compensated those who lost their homes by arranging permits for them to emigrate to the UK.

Deals negotiated

Since then, hundreds of thousands more have followed. If you want to understand the culture of Pakistanis in Britain, you have to understand Mirpur.

It is conservative, even by Pakistani standards. Rural life here has not changed much over the years.

I did not go anywhere I could meet English people
Rashid, speaking in Mirpur after returning from the UK

And families are not only a source of rigid hierarchies, but also the guiding influence behind everything from marriage to business.

Alliances are built, deals negotiated, all with an eye to how this affects relations between the different households.

I asked Rashid if he had experienced any difficulty adjusting from this, when he went to work in the Midlands and East London for eight years, selling cosmetics and serving in a restaurants.

"No trouble at all," he said. "It was all a pleasure."

But it turned out that he faced no challenges to his values, because he never mixed with anyone who lacked them.

Cultural difference

Rashid reckoned that 80% of his customers in Britain had been Mirpuris, the rest from other sub-continental backgrounds.

He is a sociable man, lively and entertaining. But he never made a single white, British friend the whole time he was there.
"I regret it," he says, "but there was no chance. I did not go anywhere I could meet English people."
It is one way to avoid the difficulties of confronting cultural difference - to avoid cross-cultural ontact altogether.


And it seems to be the route taken by many people of Pakistani origin.

There are statistics which suggest that of all communities, Pakistanis live in the most segregated areas of Britain, and their children attend the most segregated schools.

The British government has dedicated itself to integrating immigrants, providing some kind of shared identity to which everyone can sign up.

If they want to see how great the challenge is, they might start by visiting Mirpur.


Children are the future

Wednesday, November 29, 2006



At 5.30pm on a freezing winter afternoon, Charlotte, aged 13, her two brothers, sister, and parents sit shivering in a bus shelter on the promenade in Minehead, Somerset.
Charlotte's dad, Lee, has just spoken to the housing charity, Shelter, whose lawyer has been threatening to take Minehead council to court if they did not house the family.
He tells the children: "Now, we've only got to hold out for two hours, and then hopefully if the judge makes that decision we're being treated wrongly... we've all got to hold on together."




Charlotte, second left, and family






Charlotte's family is just one of more than 100,000 UK families who are homeless, and she is one of 130,000 homeless children.


Her story is told in Evicted, part of the BBC's No Home season which marks the 40th anniversary of the seminal social drama, Cathy Come Home. There are parallels between Charlotte's experience in 2006, and Cathy's in 1966.


Her family's descent into homelessness, like Cathy's, began with illness. When her mother developed post-natal depression, her dad had to give up work to care for her and the children.
Without his income, the family slipped behind in rent payments, which gave their landlord the excuse he needed to evict them so that he could sell their house. So began their decline into homelessness.


Rats and needles


Like Cathy, they lived for a while in a caravan, and then in a homeless hostel.

The charity Shelter was set up after Cathy Came Home screenedThe rats Cathy saw have gone, but there are other problems - the children regularly found used hypodermic needles in the toilets. When the hostel was closed for redevelopment, the family was evicted and moved again, the fourth time in 12 months.

"I don't like always packing our suitcases," says Charlotte. "All I've got is one little tiny suitcase full, so it's not very hard, all it is a couple of jumpers and a pair of trousers and underwear and that.


"You like to think you're getting somewhere and then you've just got to pack all your stuff up again and move. You don't know where you're gonna go and it's really horrible."
Cathy Come Home ends with a harrowing scene in which social services snatch Cathy's children as she beds down for the night on a railway station bench.


While this fate has not befallen Charlotte and her siblings, the fear of social services dominate their lives. She and her brothers are left confused after her father tells her they cannot be taken away, but authority figures at school say it is possible.


Life in one room


The impact of homelessness on children is disturbing. They are the innocent victims - entirely blameless even if their parents have fallen behind with rent payments - yet they suffer the most when the family is uprooted.

She said 'you're just a dirty homeless tramp' - I felt really upset 'cause it ain't my fault
Charlotte, age 13Chloe, eight, came home from school one day to find her mother in tears, the locks changed and the family evicted from the only home she had ever known.


With her family in bed and breakfast accommodation, the pressure on her parents to find a new home put their relationship to the test. For the first time, she saw them arguing and crying as they and her little sister struggled to adapt to life in one room.


Who can say what long term impact homelessness will have on the self-confidence and self-reliance of a sensitive eight-year-old?


"Home is more than just a house, it's a place you can feel safe," says Chloe.


Chloe's diet has suffered as well. With no cooking facilities beyond a kettle, the only hot food her mother can provide is Pot Noodle.


A friend in the B&B, 15-year-old Sarah, fares little better. Her mother puts tins of baked beans on the radiator each morning so she can provide her children with, if not hot, then certainly arm meals by the evening.


HOMELESS CHILDREN



  • 130,472 homeless as of June

  • Miss 4m school days a year

  • 45.3m meals eaten by families without a kitchen

  • 1.5m families in England on social housing waiting list

  • Families spend 645 days on average in temporary housing


Friendless too


homeless children also face problems in education. New research published on Wednesday by the housing charity Shelter shows homeless children are twice as likely to be persistently bullied at school.



Sarah: Meals heated on a radiator


That's certainly borne out in Charlotte's case, who returned from school one day in tears after a classmate called her a "dirty homeless tramp".


"I started crying. I felt really upset 'cause it ain't my fault," Charlotte says.
Sarah, too, was rebuffed by her school friends, who refused to meet up with her because she was a "low life".


What her classmates thought was not a problem for long, however, as the local council then moved the family 15 miles from her school. She was offered no help to get there. As her mother could not afford the bus fares, in the middle of her first GCSE year, Sarah's schooling stopped.
Shelter research shows that children who are homeless or in bad housing are twice as likely to leave school with no GCSEs.

Ruth Kelly, Communities Secretary, recently made a speech in which she claimed that "Cathy's chances today would be significantly better."

But the children of families going through homelessness can still be devastated by the experience. On average they miss 11 weeks of school - nearly a whole term - and spend 645 days without a home.

There is no doubt that things have changed a great deal, but perhaps not as much as we might like to believe.